IEA Expects Global Energy Focus to Shift Eastward

Last month the International Energy Agency (IEA) released its annual long-term forecast, the World Energy Outlook (WEO). Its projection that US oil output would exceed that of Saudi Arabia within five years was featured in numerous headlines, although some of the report's other findings look equally consequential. That includes the continued strong growth of energy demand in China, India and other Asian countries, and the linkages between that growth and a dramatic expansion of Iraqi oil production. The agency also set a cautionary tone concerning the increase in global greenhouse gas emissions accompanying all this growth.

In the IEA's primary "New Policies" scenario, the US overtakes Saudi Arabia in oil production by 2017, adding 4 million barrels per day (MBD) of unconventional output, mainly from shale (tight oil) deposits such as the Bakken in North Dakota. US oil imports decline significantly, due in roughly equal measure to higher production and the implementation of strict vehicle fuel economy regulations. As a consequence, the need for imports from the Middle East approaches zero within 10 years. When this change is combined with the growth in oil demand in Asia, where China alone accounts for half the forecasted global growth in oil consumption in this period, the IEA envisions Asia becoming the recipient of 90% of Middle East oil exports by 2035.

The detailed assumptions behind the IEA's conclusions weren't provided in the public release. These include crucial questions such as the assumed status of US rules barring most crude oil exports. As noted in a Reuters op-ed at the time, maximizing the potential of US unconventional resources may depend on allowing higher quality unconventional oil to seek global markets, while continuing to import oil from Latin America and the Middle East into Gulf Coast refineries geared to these heavier, higher-sulfur feedstocks. The op-ed's author also reminded us that the natural gas liquids included in the headline comparison with Saudi production are useful but quite different from crude oil, yielding little gasoline and diesel fuel.

The expected growth of energy demand in China remains extraordinary, even with the country's economic growth slowing from the levels seen a few years ago. To put this in context, when Dr. Fatih Birol, Chief Economist of the IEA, presented the new WEO to the media in London on November 12th, he suggested that China's electricity demand would grow by the equivalent of "one US and one Japan of today" by 2035. Much of that additional electricity generation is projected to come from renewables, nuclear power and domestic gas. Nevertheless, and in spite of significant increases in China's unconventional gas production, the IEA forecasts that import dependence will grow from about 15% for gas and 50% for oil today, to 40% for gas and over 80% for oil by 2035. That increase in imports would equate to additional hundreds of millions of dollars per year of outflows for energy.

In the view of the IEA, much of the extra oil demanded in Asia will be supplied by Iraq, which they project will increase its output from around 3 MBD today to 6.1 MBD in 2020 and 8.3 MBD in 2035, in the process becoming the world's second-largest oil exporter, after Russia. Since the reserves to support that growth have already been identified, with much lower production costs than many other basins, the uncertainties involved are mainly political and structural. Resolution of the current standoff with Iran over its nuclear program would provide even more Middle East oil for Asian markets.

As in its earlier "Golden Age of Gas" scenario, the IEA expects large increases in global natural gas consumption. Unconventional sources, mainly in the US, China and Australia, would contribute around half the additional production required to meet expanded demand. However, at the launch presentation in London Dr. Birol also stressed that unconventional oil and gas are still at an early stage, with significant uncertainties about the eventual magnitude of their resources. This seemed to be a particular issue for the agency's post-2020 forecast of oil production in the US and gas production in China.

Despite the rigorous analysis and level of detail involved in producing the IEA's World Energy Outlook, long-term energy forecasting should always be taken with a grain of salt. Yet whether or not the highlighted trends mature precisely in line with these projections, the shifts that the IEA identified are significant and already becoming evident in current data for energy production, consumption and trade. Even if North America failed to become a net oil exporter--which many equate with energy independence--by 2030, the movement of the center of gravity of global energy trade towards Asia is essentially pre-determined: baked in by differences in economic growth rates and resource opportunities. The economic, geopolitical and environmental consequences of that shift are just starting to take shape.

A slightly different version of this posting was previously published on the website of Pacific Energy Development Corporation.

Read More

The Summer Oil Slump

Instead of US consumers facing $5 gasoline this summer, as some analysts had predicted, we now find prices slipping well below $4 per gallon as oil prices respond to weakening demand, a stronger dollar, and steady supply growth.  Yet as welcome as this is, it's largely the result of a mountain of bad news: Not only does financial turmoil threaten the very existence of the European Monetary Union and its currency, the Euro, but economic growth in the large emerging economies is also slowing, at least partly in response to the weakness in the developed countries that constitute their primary export markets.  The engine of global growth for the next year or two just isn't obvious.  That's the backdrop for this week's OPEC meeting in Vienna.

Before we become too enthusiastic about the prospect of a period of cheaper oil, we should first put "cheap" in context.  Even ignoring West Texas Intermediate (WTI), the doldrums of which I've discussed at length, the world's most representative current crude oil price, for UK Brent, has fallen consistently below $100 per barrel for the first time since the beginning of the Arab Spring in 2011.  Yet even if it fell another $10/bbl, to about where WTI is currently trading, it would still exceed its annual average for every year save 2008 and 2011.  So while oil might be less of a drag on the economy at $90/bbl than at $120, that's still short of the kind of drop that would be necessary for it to provide a substantial positive stimulus, particularly when much of the drop reflects buyers around the world tightening their belts. 

The US is in a somewhat better position, thanks to surging production of "tight oil" in North Dakota and onshore Texas. This has more than made up for the inevitable slide in output from the deepwater Gulf of Mexico, two years after Deepwater Horizon and the ensuing drilling moratorium. With much of the new production trapped on the wrong side of some temporary pipeline bottlenecks, parts of the country are benefiting from oil prices that are $10-15/bbl below world prices, although short-term gains are a poor reason to perpetuate those bottlenecks, rather than resolving them and allowing North American production to reach its full potential.

Then there's the issue of speculation, which some politicians blamed for the recent spike in oil prices.  To whatever extent that was true--and I remain skeptical that the impact was nearly as large as claimed--we could be about to see what happens when the dominant direction of speculation flips from "long" to "short"--bullish to bearish--as noted in today's Wall St. Journal.  Since the main effect of speculation is to increase volatility, we could see oil prices temporarily drop even further than today's weak fundamentals would suggest they should.

All of this will be on the minds of the OPEC ministers meeting in Vienna Thursday, along with the usual dynamics between OPEC's price doves and hawks.  The pressures on the latter have intensified as Iran copes with tighter sanctions on its exports and Venezuela's ailing caudillo faces a serious election challenge.  OPEC meetings are rarely as dramatic as last June's session, but the global context ensures a keenly interested audience for this one.  Given the impact of gas prices on US voters, both presidential campaigns should be watching events in Vienna as closely as any traders.  $3.00 per gallon by November isn't beyond the realm of possibility.  It would only require a sustained dip below $80/bbl.

Read More

Is There A Better Way to Use Strategic Petroleum Reserve Oil Now?

With US gas prices rising rapidly to record levels for this time of year, it was inevitable that some politicians would start calling for a portion of the oil in the Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR) to be released in hopes of moderating high oil prices, which are mainly responsible for the current gas price spike. A narrow majority of Americans apparently agrees. This is a profoundly bad idea, for reasons of both actual US energy security and the uneven effectiveness of past releases. However, rather than railing against this proposal, it occurred to me that there might just be a better way, an alternative that could send the signals that those concerned about commodity speculation wish to send, but without draining oil that we would miss in an actual supply crisis. What if instead of instructing the Secretary of Energy to sell a certain quantity of oil from the SPR, the President told him to sell an equivalent volume of call options on SPR oil, on the condition that they that could only be executed in an actual emergency?

The SPR was established in the 1970s, and as I've noted on several occasions it's overdue for a major redesign to reflect the ways in which both the world and US energy consumption patterns and infrastructure have changed in the interim. However, this is clearly not the appropriate time for such an undertaking, with the very real prospect of a major disruption in the Middle East that might require the largest-ever SPR release to address.

The past history of SPR releases is well-documented. The two releases most relevant to the current situation include last year's release of 30 million barrels in coordination with other member countries of the International Energy Agency, to compensate for reduced exports from Libya resulting from the revolution that overturned Col. Gaddafi's regime. Although one could argue about the appropriateness of that response in the absence of a meaningful disruption in oil deliveries to the US, its outcome is now clear. The market impact of the release was small and quickly dissipated in the noise of market volatility. That stands in marked contrast to the SPR release announced at the start of hostilities in the Gulf War in 1991. Following the announcement of a 34 million barrel SPR sale, only half of which was ultimately delivered, oil prices fell by 33% literally overnight. I will never forget that, because I was trading petroleum products in London for Texaco at the time and the sudden shift in prices was stressful, to say the least. The lesson I take from these and other examples is that SPR releases are much more effective in an actual emergency than when they are perceived as merely attempts to manipulate the market.

But let's give those calling for a release now the benefit of the doubt that $125 oil and the resulting near-$4 gas prices might be at least partly the result of speculation--all the while recognizing that for every speculative buyer there must be a seller taking the opposite view of prices. If the Department of Energy were to sell options on SPR oil, instead of the oil itself, it could accomplish several useful things in this scenario. First, it would send a stronger signal to the market than the will-he-or-won't-he cloud that customarily hangs over such releases, conveying that the US is serious about covering a shortfall that might result from the manifestation of the various risks that have driven up oil prices by about 13% since the beginning of the year, notably focused on tensions with Iran. It would also generate a bit of revenue for the Treasury, in the amount of the option premiums collected. More importantly, it could significantly shorten the normal delay between the decision to hold an SPR sale and its actual execution, by identifying, pre-qualifying and contracting with specific buyers ahead of actual need. Hastening the flow of SPR oil in a crisis by a week or two could be very helpful. And the best feature from my perspective is that the whole time the oil would stay right where it should remain until it's really needed, in the SPR caverns on the Gulf Coast.

A number of crucial details would have to be worked out, including the careful specification of the precise circumstances under which the options could be triggered, how long they would remain active before expiring, who would be eligible to purchase them, and for what purposes. In order to be of value to buyers, the triggering event(s) would have to be objectively observable and not under the seller's control. Perhaps a specified reduction in exports through the Strait of Hormuz, or the outbreak of hostilities between Iran and Israel or the US would be the most suitable choices, since it is presumably such risks that have taken oil prices to their current level.

I don't know whether selling SPR options would be permissible under current statutes. If not, it might be hard to get a change like this through a deadlocked Congress, even though the idea of selling options rather than physical oil ahead of an actual emergency straddles the concerns of both parties. I'm also sure there would be unintended consequences, as well as a lot of finger-pointing after the fact if some trader or refiner made a fortune on one of these transactions. Still, it seems worth exploring as an alternative that might be useful, not just when we're facing high prices and a potential crisis but under more routine circumstances.

Read More

What Would It Take for Gas to Hit $5 per Gallon?

After returning from a business trip to California, I don't find media speculation concerning the possibility of $5 gasoline later this year quite as far-fetched as I might have last week. Perhaps seeing $4.299 per gallon posted for unleaded regular on many street corners there, compared to $3.699 or so here, gave me a touch of "availability bias" even if I also understand that gasoline taxes in the Golden State are a full 29¢ per gallon higher than in Virginia, and that environmental regulations there make it very much more difficult for refineries to produce fuel that meets California's specifications. Without dwelling on regional differences that could make $5 gas likelier in some places than others, I thought it might be worth spending a moment considering what it would take to reach that level on a national average.

In a situation such as the current one, as I described a few weeks ago, it comes down to crude oil prices. Calculating the oil price implied by $5 gasoline requires backing out the other key components of the pump prices we observe. Start with federal and state taxes, which according to API averaged 48.8¢/gal. in January. (That's only a snapshot, because many states include sales taxes that change in proportion to the overall price level.) You also have to subtract the retailer/distributor margin, which is typically around 15¢/gal. That leaves $4.36/gal., or roughly $183 per bbl, for pre-tax wholesale gasoline. But we still have to account for refining margin, or more accurately the spread between wholesale gasoline and crude oil, since a true refining margin would include the influence of a range of other products and byproducts like diesel, jet fuel, lubricants and petroleum coke. In 2010, before the Cushing crude bottleneck depressed West Texas Intermediate prices to the extraordinary degree we've seen in the last year, the average difference between gasoline and light crude futures on the New York Mercantile Exchange was $9.67/bbl. Knock that off the above calculated wholesale price and we get an implied price for light sweet crude of just under $175/bbl.

As of today, Louisiana Light Sweet and UK Brent, the best current indicators for this kind of crude, stood at $127 and $126, respectively, while poor old WTI languished at $109. So based on the above calculation, $5 gasoline would require world oil prices to rise by about $50/bbl--or more if you back-calculate from last week's average US gas price of $3.72/gal. Short of the saber-rattling in the Persian Gulf turning into a shooting war, it's hard to see that happening without the kind of economic conditions that took oil close to $150/bbl in 2008. That experience also suggests that if we reached $5/gal., the event might be short-lived as the shock waves it would cause undermined the economy and thus the fundamentals of oil prices.

Unlike Tom Kloza of Oil Price Information Service, I will not don a clown suit if the average US price of gasoline reaches $5 this year. However, I would be very surprised, barring the outbreak of hostilities between Iran and the US or Iran and Israel, a global or self-imposed boycott of Iranian oil exports, or a sudden, unexpected problem in another major producing country. Whether that makes predictions of $5 gas "hyperbole", as Mr. Kloza apparently suggested, or merely the result of failures to do the math, I leave for you to decide.

Read More

Why Are Gasoline Prices So High in February?

US gasoline prices are setting records for this time of the year, with the current price apparently the highest ever for February, at least in nominal dollars. In fact, the monthly average US retail price for unleaded regular has set new records every month since last October. That isn't quite as dramatic as it might seem, because based on the Department of Energy's data, the previous records for those months were set just a year earlier. Yet it's still a significant drag on the economy--an anti-stimulus, as I've noted previously. Unfortunately, some of the explanations I've seen for these price levels, including the ones offered in last night's CBS Evening News, focus too much on minor factors such as refinery maintenance and commodity speculation, while ignoring the most basic influence: the price of oil. That's understandable if they're watching the wrong oil price.

If you've been reading this blog for a while, you know why the most-watched oil price in America, the one for West Texas Intermediate crude (WTI), is no longer representative of the broader US oil market, at least for now. The best domestic grade to follow at the moment is probably Louisiana Light Sweet (LLS), which is of similar quality to WTI but not subject to the persistent transportation bottleneck at Cushing, OK. It tracks closely to UK Brent crude, which has largely taken over the role of global oil price indicator. The "spot" price of LLS was $119 per barrel today, accounting for 94% of the price of prompt gasoline futures on the New York Mercantile Exchange (NYMEX) today. And the $16/bbl increase in LLS since February 9, 2011 explains nearly 80% of the increase in the wholesale gasoline price over that interval. So while refinery outages might be having some impact, particularly in the local and regional markets served by the affected facilities, they are not the main show, nor is speculation in gasoline futures, the effect of which beyond the New York area covered by the NYMEX contract should be rather attenuated.

So with gas prices this high, this early in the year, how high might they be when the summer driving season arrives? That also comes down to crude oil, prompting questions about why oil prices are so high today, despite relatively weak demand. Many analysts attribute oil's strength to worries about Iran's threat to close the Strait of Hormuz as the sanctions noose tightens, along with rumors that Israel may be preparing to strike Iran's nuclear sites on its own this spring. But as with any such risks, they will either manifest or they won't, and the more time that goes by without these feared events occurring, the less influence they are likely to have in propping up oil markets, absent a surge in underlying demand due to a strengthening global economy. If none of that takes place, then oil prices could ease, resulting in summer gas prices not much worse than what we see today. However, I'd be wary of reversing that logic: Keeping gas prices low is not a sufficient reason to back away from addressing the risks posed by what the International Atomic Energy Agency refers to as the "military dimensions" of Iran's nuclear program.

Read More

Petroleum Prices Set Records in 2011

Without much fanfare, the Energy Information Agency of the US Department of Energy released a report on 2011 energy commodity prices yesterday. It confirmed that crude oil and key petroleum products set annually averaged price records last year. This largely snuck up on us, because it occurred without the kind of dramatic price spike we experienced in 2008 or in the oil crises of the 1970s. Prices rose early in the year, during the Libyan revolution, and they didn't fall much, subsequently. The situation was also masked by the ongoing crude oil bottleneck in the US mid-continent, which depressed prices of the grade of US oil that for decades had been regarded as the best indicator of global oil prices, a role in which it has recently fallen short. These record prices for oil and its products are of more than just statistical interest; they help to explain the persistent weakness of the economy, representing an incremental drain of roughly $100 billion, compared to 2010, based on our net petroleum imports. That's roughly half the impact of the social security payroll tax holiday over which Congress and the administration have been sparring.

The EIA reported that UK Brent Crude, probably the best gauge of global oil prices at the moment, averaged over $111 per barrel last year. That's 40% higher than in 2010, and $14/bbl over 2008, the year in which West Texas Intermediate came very close to $150/bbl before ending the year at $45. Of even greater interest to most Americans, the pump price for unleaded regular gasoline in 2011 averaged $3.52 per gallon. Although in contrast to 2008 it only broke the $4 mark in a few regional markets like California, New England and Chicago, and even there only for a month or two, it beat the 2008 national average by more than $0.25/gal. through sheer persistence. And for the most part that didn't happen because the US is now a net exporter of gasoline and other petroleum products. It happened mainly because the global crude oil market was influenced more by the instability in North Africa and the Middle East than by worries about the US economy and the fate of the European Union and its currency, the Euro.

Of course all of the above prices are in nominal dollars, so I thought it was worth taking a quick look at real prices. After adjusting for consumer price inflation, that $3.52 mark for gasoline ties 2008's real-dollar all-time annual record, and it exceeds the average for the peak oil-crisis-year of 1981 by about 28 2011 cents. It's a little harder to gauge whether last year's Brent price set a record for crude oil in real dollars, but it seems likely. Either way, what's remarkable about these price levels is that they occurred despite weak economic growth in the developed world and slowing growth in key developing countries like China. That raises ample questions about what we should expect this year.

I've seen a wide range of estimates for where oil prices will settle out this year. The fundamentals of oil itself seem on the bearish side, with US production growing, thanks to unconventional plays like the Bakken and the Eagle Ford shale, and Libyan output gradually returning. Demand growth could also ease, especially if Europe falls into recession. Arrayed against those factors are a fairly cohesive OPEC, which benefits when oil prices are as high as possible without actually throttling the economy, and the standoff brewing between tougher Western sanctions on Iran and Iran's threats to close down the Strait of Hormuz, through which something like 40% of global oil exports flow. Election-year politics might have an influence, too, recalling the administration's willingness last year to release oil from the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve for reasons that were rather less than compelling at the time. All in all, when we've spent the last several years lurching from one crisis to the next, it's not hard to imagine another crisis just around the corner. Let's hope that 2012 surprises us with stability.

Read More

Iran Oil Price Risk Returns

Between the Libyan revolution and the shaky US and European economies, oil markets hadn't been paying much attention to Iran's nuclear program until last week's release of a new report from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA.) For the first time, the IAEA presented a detailed picture of a well-organized Iranian effort encompassing projects and technologies that go beyond what could reasonably be construed as having purely civilian purposes. Traders are once again talking about an "Iran risk premium," though the market's initial response has been sufficiently muted that it's hard to distinguish from other factors, such as the narrowing of the spread between West Texas Intermediate and Brent crude and worries about the Euro. As long as the international reaction to Iran remains confined to the well-worn pattern of diplomatic protests followed by incrementally tweaked sanctions that dampen speculation about military options, oil will probably just exhibit some extra volatility.

I've been following this issue for a long time, and almost from the start I've been skeptical of the Iranian government's insistence that their nuclear effort was aimed only at producing electricity. Iran has cheaper and less controversial energy options in abundance. Perhaps the biggest surprise in the IAEA report was that the agency would risk the controversy inherent in releasing a thorough accounting of Iran's efforts to develop capabilities unique to designing and building a nuclear warhead that could be mounted on a missile. Moreover, the report suggests that at least some of these activities did not end in 2003, as the controversial US National Intelligence Estimate of 2007 concluded, but "may still be ongoing."

The oil market risk has several dimensions, the most obvious of which relates to a preemptive attack by the US or Israel. Yet even a stepped-up sanctions regime might either directly impede oil exports from Iran or provoke an Iranian reaction having the same effect, at a time when oil prices are already relatively high. Either scenario might trigger an oil price spike that would largely undo recent efforts to revive the global economy. At the moment, however, neither outcome seems very likely to me.

Whatever the IAEA's findings indicate about Iran's intentions or proximity to becoming a nuclear weapons state, the US has little appetite for initiating an attack with such uncertain outcomes on the basis of intelligence that remains incomplete. The public is hardly clamoring for another war, and the administration seems understandably reticent to take such a step, particularly going into an election year. Israeli public opinion--and even its leaders--appear split on the advisability of independent action against Iran's nuclear complex. Even in terms of sanctions, I would expect a response with more bark than bite that stops short of antagonizing Iran's regime to the point at which it might use its oil weapon. Unfortunately, the longer this protracted confrontation over Iran's nuclear program drags out, the greater the risk of one or more parties miscalculating, with results that could spin out of anyone's control.

The Council on Foreign Relations has put out some useful interviews and analysis on the IAEA report and the possible responses to it. Have a look and draw your own conclusions.

Read More

The Cost of A Tougher Iranian Oil Boycott

Today's Wall St. Journal (subscription required) includes an op-ed calling for a stricter US boycott of Iran than the current one that prohibits importing Iranian oil. The proposal from Reuel Marc Gerecht and Mark Dubowitz of the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies would go a step farther, barring the importation of petroleum products that contain any components processed from Iranian crude elsewhere. Before any fuels or petrochemical products could be brought to the US, exporters "would have to certify that no Iranian oil was involved in its manufacture." Yet while the authors have clearly thought about how to maximize the impact of such a rule on the government of Iran, I'm not sure they've examined the potential impact on the US carefully enough. If their arguments about how European refiners would react to such a boycott are correct, then U.S. gasoline prices would likely rise as a result of these restrictions.

The logic of the proposal is grounded in fact. The US imports significant quantities of gasoline from Europe, though lately most of it is in the form of gasoline blending components, rather than finished gasoline that is ready to be put into a pipeline or sold over a refinery's or blending facility's truck rack. Last year total US gasoline imports averaged almost 900,000 barrels per day, with 39% coming from EU countries led by the UK, Netherlands, Spain and France. It's also true that many European refineries process some Iranian crude. In 2010, the EU imported 471,000 bbl/day of crude oil from Iran, comprising just over 4% of total EU oil imports of 11.1 million barrels per day. (Compare that to US oil imports in 2010 of 9.2 million bbl/day.) This amounts to roughly a fifth of total Iranian crude oil exports. At least on the surface, it looks like it shouldn't be too hard for European refiners to forgo this small input, in order to be able to continue exporting gasoline and other oil-derived products to the USA.

In practice, I think it would be more difficult for European refiners to make that adjustment than the authors imagine. For starters, those refineries capable of exporting gasoline to the US must generally be located near ports, rather than inland, and likely run more Iranian crude than the EU average, since this oil is delivered by large tankers. Then there's the question of how much Iranian crude a refinery could run and still be able to certify its products to be Iran-free. If the standard were simply that you couldn't export a larger proportion of your products than the proportion of non-Iranian oil in your crude slate, that probably wouldn't change what any refiner is currently doing, since most of their output goes into the local market. Certifying that there were no molecules of Iranian origin in any products destined for the US would essentially require running no Iranian crude at all, because of the way that most refineries operate and manage their inventories of crude oil and unfinished products.

I presume that's what the authors have in mind, because it would certainly exert the greatest market pressure on the price of Iranian crude. However, substituting one crude oil for another in a refinery isn't like substituting one brand of cola for another in a fast-food restaurant. We've seen a prime example of that recently with the disproportionately large disruption caused by the curtailment of exports of high-quality oil from Libya. Refineries tend to be optimized around certain proportions of well-known crudes, with shifts in those proportions mainly driven by changes in the value of the products they yield, within a range set by the capabilities of the specific hardware. In other words, if your refinery model is telling you to run x% of Iranian Light, then choosing something else in order to be able to sell into the US market comes at a cost.

That cost would be passed on to companies importing European gasoline into the US in two ways. First, it would require a higher price to make it worthwhile for the exporting refinery to produce a cargo to US specifications. Less directly but just as significantly, it would reduce the number of refineries competing for the export opportunity, because some would simply find the changes too onerous, unless the premium they collected was really large. That would create a smaller pool of suppliers with higher costs. That's not what you want to face as a buyer.

Market dynamics might also amplify this effect. A portion of the gasoline exported from Europe to the US flows not under long-term contracts, but as "spot" cargoes shipped in response to occasional wide price differences between there and here. That's exactly the kind of trading I was involved in when I worked in London in the early '90s. Such "arbitrage opportunities" often result from supply problems such as refinery accidents and other unanticipated shutdowns, large weather events, or other situations leading to a local or regional price spike. As a result, much of the impact on the US from the authors' proposal could be delivered when gas prices here would already be rising, thus adding to the economic impact of a price spike.

Perhaps paying more at the pump to drive down the value of Iranian crude in the global market is a price most Americans would be willing to accept. I'd gladly kick in a few cents per gallon for that purpose, since I remain extremely skeptical of Iranian assurances that their nuclear program is entirely for peaceful purposes. Nothing has materially changed my view of that since my detailed analysis in 2005. However, I suspect that the strong likelihood that such a boycott would entail a certain amount of "blowback" at home would complicate the politics of passing the necessary legislation, particularly when gas prices are already quite high by US standards.

Read More

Iran and Oil Price Risk

Today's UN Security Council vote on a further round of sanctions on Iran merits attention. While the U.S. and its key allies were able to get a somewhat diluted slate of new sanctions passed, the vote may be as notable for the "nays" cast by Brazil and Turkey as for the "ayes" it received from Russia and China, along with Lebanon's abstention. It looks like Iran has astutely leveraged the fraying of traditional alignments following the global economic shake-up of the last two years. The significant recent deterioration of Israel's image and standing probably played a backstage role, as well. It's a toss-up whether this new configuration makes an eventual confrontation over Iran's nuclear program more or less inevitable than previously.

Tensions over Iran's nuclear program have been moderated somewhat by ongoing diplomatic initiatives that have fragmented into parallel conversations between Iran and the US plus its closest European allies, Iran and its neighbors, and Iran and various emerging and non-aligned countries. However, jaw-jaw aside, Iran is either moving inexorably towards a nuclear weapons and delivery capability or putting on a pretty convincing Potemkin show of this for its own inscrutable reasons, reminiscent of Saddam Hussein's WMD sham of a few years ago. Either way, this still looks like the biggest unresolved political risk hanging over global oil markets, even if they're presently too distracted by the turmoil in currency and stock markets and the wave of offshore oil exploration bans emanating from the Gulf Coast leak to pay much attention to the risk of conflict.

This dance has been going on for years, but important elements have changed recently in ways that might alter calculations of the risks of a military strike by Israel--or anyone else--on Iran's facilities, relative to the risks of allowing Iran to produce a warhead and match it to its increasingly sophisticated missile technology. Last week's fiasco involving Israel's interdiction of a convoy of ships carrying aid to Gaza looms large, for several reasons. First, it has further isolated Israel from traditionally sympathetic countries in Europe and elsewhere. That could be crucial in the aftermath of any Israeli moves against Iran. In addition, Israel's action alienated low-key regional ally Turkey, not least because the convoy sailed from Istanbul and most of the fatalities were Turks. When Iran, Turkey and Russia meet to discuss regional security, it's a pretty clear sign that things are changing in noteworthy ways. (The slow drift of Turkey out of the western orbit after years of being rebuffed for EU membership may go down as one of the biggest missed opportunities of the post-Cold War era.)

As another Washington Post article indicated this morning, the latest sanctions might bite a little harder but could leave Iran's leaders feeling they have come out ahead in this round. If so, they won't be deterred to any greater extent from pursuing their oft-denied but widely-assumed nuclear aims. Meanwhile Israel has even less scope than before to launch an Osirak-style attack without facing a crippling response from its friends. As I noted last fall, the window of opportunity for resolving this slow-burn crisis without risking intolerable consequences for oil prices will not remain open indefinitely.

Read More

The Other Countdown

I missed commenting on the latest round of oil deals in Iraq, which could see that country's output quickly double and eventually quadruple, causing no small amount of anxiety within OPEC. It's looking increasingly likely that the world may need that oil sooner rather than later, though. While the backdrops of photos from Copenhagen display the "tck tck tck" mantra symbolizing the conference as our last, best chance to avert catastrophic climate change, we shouldn't forget that another clock with a shorter timeline is also ticking down on our last chances to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons.

Business leaders are often advised not to let the urgent drive out the important. Although climate change has been billed as having both attributes, so do Iran's nuclear ambitions, and their implications in the next decade take urgency to a higher level. Yesterday's Washington Post featured a chilling analysis of the progress Iran has been making on fronts other than the Uranium enrichment that has attracted so much attention. This includes a leaked memo from the International Atomic Energy Agency assessing Iran's capabilities and another purportedly from inside Iran showing that the government is working on a "neutron initiator." If these assessments are right, then the controversial National Intelligence Estimate of 2007 placed far too much faith in indications that the regime had decided to cancel work on a warhead. Our subsequent patience with them--and with our Security Council partners--has provided Iran with crucial time in which to advance its goals.

While we were in a poor position to ratchet up the pressure sufficiently in 2007 or 2008, when Iran's oil exports made the difference between high oil prices and a crippling oil shock, that constraint disappeared last fall. The combination of OPEC's current spare capacity of at least 6 million barrels per day and the prospect of Iraqi output increases that could dwarf Iran's exports has largely neutralized the threat of an Iranian embargo, perhaps permanently.

Now, it's still possible that the visible parts of Iran's nuclear efforts are a sham mounted mainly for our benefit, similar to the double feint concocted by Saddam Hussein, in which he claimed not to be doing something while doing just enough behind partially-closed doors to make that claim look false. In retrospect that strategy made a certain amount of sense for Iraq, which after its defeat by Coalition forces in the Gulf War could not have defended against a conventional attack from the larger neighbor it had fought to a standstill a decade earlier. However, it makes little sense for Iran, which already has powerful defenses and a wide array of weapons and allies with which to retaliate in case of an attack by the US, the only power that could seriously threaten it at this point.

If the op-ed in the same issue of the Post is correct about the difficulties of mounting effective deterrence once Iran has the Bomb, then we don't have much time left to exercise the remaining diplomatic and economic options in our playbook. That means assessing the positions of Russia and China with a gimlet eye and determining for ourselves whether they would ever sacrifice their trade and security connections with the Islamic Republic, in order to forestall nuclear developments that they likely see as not aimed against them in any case. As weak as our hand looks now, it will only get worse later. In the context of this countdown, today's relatively high inventories of crude oil and refined products look like a very good thing.

Read More

Resolving Iran Oil-Price Risk

It hasn't been easy keeping up with all the recent developments related to Iran's nuclear program, which still looms as a large, unresolved risk embedded in the global price of oil--though you would never know it from the behavior of oil markets in the week since Iran's hidden nuclear enrichment site was revealed. It's not clear whether traders have concluded that the exposure of the Qom site strengthens the hand of the US, Britain, France and Germany sufficiently to make a diplomatic solution likelier--and conflict correspondingly less likely--or the impact of this story has been overwhelmed for the moment by weak market fundamentals. After all, this is merely the latest phase of a crisis that has been simmering for a number of years; a wait-and-see attitude looks prudent, particularly in light of the market's current capacity to adjust for the temporary loss of Iran's oil output, should that ensue. However, I believe that we are also approaching the point at which much of this uncertainty resolves, because fairly soon the US and its allies must choose either to act decisively to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear arms, or relinquish those options and focus on containing the threat.

Our relative torpor on the subject of Iran's nuclear enrichment program and that country's ultimate nuclear ambitions has been jolted by a succession of events this month. First, President Obama announced his intention to abandon the development of land-based anti-ballistic-missile sites in Central Europe, the main purpose of which was to intercept Iranian ICBMs on their way to targets in Europe or the US, in favor of a sea-borne strategy focused on shorter-range missiles. Then came the announcement at the G-20 meeting in Pittsburgh that Iran was building a secret uranium enrichment site that could start operations as soon as next year, potentially capable of producing roughly one atomic bomb's worth of weapons-grade material a year. Neither the fact that the US and its allies have apparently known about the Qom site for several years nor the last-minute disclosure of the facility by Iran to the International Atomic Energy Agency seemed to dampen the shock effect of the announcement. After customarily glib excuses, the Iranian regime's next step was to test-fire short- and medium-range missiles. The US has demanded immediate inspections of the new facility, and the UN Security Council meets tomorrow to take up these matters.

So where does this leave us, other than with nerve-wracking reminders of the pre-war situation with Iraq? If we've been paying attention, the latest revelation shouldn't have come as much of a surprise. As I explained at length in 2005, the arguments that Iran's enrichment efforts were aimed at anything other than a nuclear weapons capability were always pretty weak. Stripping away the diplomatic language of the US and its allies and the lame obfuscations from Tehran, the uncovered Qom facility leaves scant room for doubt concerning the determination of the Iranian government to militarize its nuclear program. Whether or not it is also currently developing warheads that would use the uranium enriched at sites like the one at Qom, there is no other plausible reason for building a nuclear facility in secret under a military base. And common sense tells us that, as with mice, where there is one there are very likely others.

What I conclude from all this is that we are approaching a set of distinct decision points, after a long and intricate dance that probably served the interests of both parties. The passage of time has allowed Iran to make steady progress on enrichment and missile technology, but it has also opened up options for us. As I noted last fall, lower oil prices have created a window for a set of actions--truly crippling sanctions, a naval blockade, or air attack on the facilities in question--that would have been unthinkable when oil was marching steadily toward $100/bbl and beyond. That window will begin to close once the global economy resumes growing rapidly enough to erode the healthy cushion of spare global oil production capacity that now stands at 5.5 million barrels per day--a buffer that would also erode from the other direction if new oil projects fail to keep up with oil's intrinsic decline rates. In other words, if the situation isn't resolved one way or another within the next year or so, the strategy of containment of a nuclear-armed Iran in a new kind of Cold War could become the only viable option left to us.

Read More

Iran's Election

Oil markets seem unfazed by the unrest in Iran, in the aftermath of that country's Presidential election. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Iran's Supreme Leader, the Ayatollah Khamenei, remain firmly in control, and there's no reason to expect that the ongoing demonstrations against perceived election fraud constitute a threat to Iranian oil exports. In that respect, the markets have it right. However, the conduct of the election--more than its outcome--may have altered the calculations of the nations determined to constrain Iran's nuclear ambitions, and may have inadvertently nudged Israel a step closer to acting on its own, should diplomatic efforts to halt nuclear enrichment remain stymied. But even a preemptive attack on Iran's nuclear complex might only result in a brief spike in oil prices, at least in the short run, because the fundamentals look so different than just a year ago.

The disappointment of the supporters of Mir Housein Mousavi and the other opposition candidates is palpable. We may never know whether they were cheated or merely out-polled, as some observers have suggested. If the latter view is correct, then the government was doubly inept in its handling of the situation, leaping to proclaim Mr. Ahmadinejad the resounding winner and cutting off access to the outside world, thus creating at least the strong appearance of a stolen election--a virtual coup, as some have called it. This appearance of illegitimacy, accurate or not, could haunt the government and strengthen the resolve of the "EU-3" countries leading the nuclear talks with Iran. It could also make Israel's new government even more determined that such a nation should never attain nuclear weapons, at any cost.

As described in an op-ed in the Wall St. Journal last week, air strikes by Israel on Iran's nuclear facilities could result in all sorts of adverse consequences, though this might still be seen as the least bad option should Iran remain adamant in pursuing its nuclear program. Iran's leaders proclaim their peaceful intent, an argument that resonates with the non-aligned nations and their sympathizers. However, nothing has changed the conclusion that I reached when I examined this subject in depth in 2005: the likeliest explanation for Iran's behavior and for the existence of its visible nuclear program in a country so blessed with other energy resources is that it intends to develop nuclear weapons. Even the risk of alienating Iran's moderates and uniting the country behind the hard-liners looks like less of a deterrent, if those moderates will never be allowed to win an election.

During most of the Bush administration, Iran's nuclear efforts were effectively shielded by its implicit threat to destabilize the global oil market. As I noted last fall, that was a trump card, until the global recession slashed demand, and oil inventories and spare production capacity began to accumulate. We shouldn't be fooled by the current price of oil, in this regard. It's where it is not because supply is physically constrained, as it was for much of 2007 and into 2008, but because OPEC's discipline is holding 3.25 million barrels per day off the market, according to a recent IEA assessment. That quantity is roughly 50% larger than Iran's exports. Saudi Arabia alone could cover any shortfall from Iran, particularly once its new Khurais field starts up. While many of OPEC's big producers are hardly models of democracy themselves, the perception of an illegitimate regime in Tehran would lend them significant political cover to open their taps, if the need arose.

Timing is everything, and Iran's oil weapon has been neutralized, for now; any threat of an embargo would ring hollow. The longer-term outlook is less certain. Once a global economic recovery is well under way, growing oil demand and the decline of mature fields in other producing regions will erode the current global oil capacity cushion and restore Iran's leverage. Time is now on Iran's side, and its adversaries are likely to understand that very well. Don't be surprised if the pressure on Iran ratchets up in the weeks and months ahead, before this window closes.

Read More

Another Tumultuous Year?

Whether or not next week's inauguration of the 44th President of the United States marks the true start to the 21st century, as a Washington Post columnist recently suggested, 2009 could herald momentous changes in long-term energy trends. While a return to the extraordinarily high oil prices we experienced last summer looks improbable, we could yet see a significant price spike as a result of geopolitical events--or a further slide towards $30 per barrel. Developers of alternative energy technologies and projects will be watching Washington intently, in hopes that the expected stimulus bill or separate energy legislation will boost their fortunes and unlock access to persistently tight credit. And against that backdrop, the behavior of consumers in a new economic environment bears watching, as the ultimate source of energy demand.

In no particular order, here's my list of energy trends and events to watch as the year gets underway:

• Oil prices are being squeezed between the weight of accumulating inventories, especially at the Cushing, OK storage that comprises the New York Mercantile Exchange's main delivery point for West Texas Intermediate crude oil, and the anticipation that a combination of OPEC discipline and resurgent demand will tighten markets appreciably later in the year. The resulting contango remains very wide. The prompt contract, for delivery in February, has fallen below $40 per barrel, while oil for delivery in July sells for well over $50/bbl, with next year's crude going for more than $60.
• As I noted on Friday, the gap between oil and natural gas has closed, even as gas has fallen below $5.50 per million BTUs, a level that is providing an energy-price stimulus for industrial and utility customers similar to the one that sub-$2 gasoline gives consumers. Gas is in contango, as well, though hardly as steep as oil. How long will the present US gas supply bubble persist, given the rapid decline rates of many gas wells and the weak finances of many of the big producers?
• The influence of government over energy looks certain to expand this year. Will the stimulus bill satisfy the wish list of alternative energy and environmental advocates, including assistance for struggling ethanol producers, cash subsidies and loan guarantees for wind and solar firms, and big investments in infrastructure, including new long-distance power transmission and a down payment on the "smart grid" of the future?
• An article in this morning's Wall Street Journal raised the prospect of a new wave of energy industry consolidation, similar to the one that created the "Super-Majors" (Exxon-Mobil, BP-Amoco-ARCO, Chevron-Texaco, Elf-Fina-Total) starting a decade ago. The industrial logic is probably there, though any merger would play out in a political context that seems much less likely to be receptive to such combinations, even if the publicly-traded oil companies do account for less than 10% of global oil reserves and less than 20% of production.
• If the financial crisis has pushed geopolitical risk into the background, the conflict in Gaza and the revelation over the weekend that Israel had asked for US assistance in an attack on Iran's nuclear complex should remind us that it hasn't vanished entirely. Although the oil market is in a much better position to forgo Iran's oil exports than it would have been for the last several years, taking 2 million barrels per day off the market--a likely response to any attack on Iran--could still be good for a quick pop of $15-20/bbl, or an extra $0.40 or so per gallon at the pump.
• Last year's weakness in the US dollar contributed to the summer's high oil prices, and the late-year dollar rally helped to unwind the residue of that spike. As the US deficit expands past $1 Trillion next year and into 2010, between fiscal stimulus and falling tax revenues, could the dollar begin falling again, and if so, what would that mean for energy prices? Economists tend to view these deficits as a manageable fraction of GDP. However, in absolute terms they are enormous, and they will compete with deficit spending all over the globe, taking us into uncharted territory.
• Finally, we can't forget about consumers. If the sharp drop in demand--around 6% year-on-year--was the pin that popped the oil-price balloon, will low gas prices begin to revive it? But while today's average pump price for regular gasoline of $1.68/gal. is a whopping $1.42/gal. less than last January and $0.62 lower than the same week in 2007, it surely doesn't look quite so cheap as a fraction of average purchasing power, between declining home values that have dried up the home equity loans with which many consumers were supplementing their income, and rising unemployment. It will take some time to see whether the weak economy and vivid memories of $4+ gasoline have altered consumption patterns permanently, or just temporarily. That will have important implications for environmental policy, too.

It's going to be interesting, for good or ill, and I look forward to continue sharing my perspective on energy and related environmental matters with you, as Energy Outlook begins its sixth year.

Read More

Iran's Oil Shield Slips

Between the US election and the gyrations of the financial markets, some important implications of the declining price of oil haven't received the attention they deserve. A case in point is the effect on Iran's geopolitical posture, particularly with regard to its nuclear program. Many articles have considered the impact of lower oil prices on that country's economy and its influence in the greater Middle East. However, as global demand for oil slows and its price sinks toward $60 per barrel, the effectiveness of Iran's implied threat to suspend oil exports in response to aggressive sanctions or a military strike on its nuclear facilities also erodes. This should create an opportunity for some very assertive diplomacy by the next administration, backed by a much more credible recourse to force. Given the progress of the visible parts of its nuclear program, this could be our last chance to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons.

A recent Washington Post op-ed by two former US Senators, one from each party, described the threat posed by a nuclear-armed Iran, along with a set of principles for addressing this challenge vigorously and promptly. Several years ago I took a detailed look at the rationale for Iran to build an entire nuclear fuel cycle for civilian purposes and found it wanting. The world's second-largest natural gas reserves provide it with a much more cost-effective means of generating additional power for its economy, without exposing the country to international sanctions or potential attack. Notwithstanding the findings of a controversial US National Intelligence Estimate last year, the simplest explanation for Iran's tenacity in pursuing uranium enrichment is the option that creates for building nuclear weapons. Nor has the International Atomic Energy Agency been able to gather enough information within Iran to rule out this scenario. This interpretation also aligns nicely with Iran's extensive work on ballistic missiles, which without the extreme accuracy of US missiles looks like a very expensive way to deliver conventional explosives.

Until recently, Iran has held all the cards. With the US focused on wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Iran successfully played off Russia and China against other UN Security Council members that sought tougher sanctions to back up their diplomatic efforts to halt the nuclear program. And as oil prices went from high to astronomical, the consequences of a disruption in Iranian oil exports became increasingly unbearable and unthinkable for the US and the world economy. While still potentially quite disruptive and hardly to be invited lightly, that prospect looks much less dire today.

Iran exports a bit more than 2 million barrels per day (bpd) of oil. For most of the last four years, that quantity exceeded the sum of global spare oil production capacity, rendering Iran's contribution indispensable. That is no longer the case. Just last week OPEC announced production cuts that could cover all but 900,000 bpd of Iran's exports, with further cuts in prospect. Any shortfall beyond that could be made up from the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve, which could supply the difference for up to two years, if necessary. Oil prices would rise, though prompt releases from the SPR would limit the magnitude of any spike. In other words, if the Iranian government has assumed that the dreadful prospect of an Iranian oil embargo was sufficient to deter any measures strong enough to force them to give up their nuclear program, or to disable it on the ground, they should reconsider. Their ace-in-the hole looks more like a 10 or a Jack, today.

These altered circumstances should not be construed as providing a green light for air strikes on Iran's nuclear facilities. That option should remain a last resort, due to its many adverse consequences beyond oil. At the same time, because this and a number of less-violent steps suddenly look feasible, it might induce Iran to negotiate, prompted by the realization that it has more valuable things at stake than a uranium-enrichment program, including the health of an economy that is critically dependent on oil revenue and on imports of petroleum products that its own refineries cannot produce in sufficient quantity to satisfy domestic demand without rationing. While not exactly a silver lining of the present global crisis, this constitutes an opportunity that Western governments cannot afford to ignore, because its consequences will endure long after the present financial and economic problems have been resolved.

Read More